Climate Change and Socio-political Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa in the Anthropocene

This volume features contributions that address climate change-induced or the related peace, security, conflict, and development challenges in sub-Saharan Africa. Given that climate change constitutes one of the threats to peace and security, we argue that peace and security are no longer grounded in traditional peacebuilding theories that have evolved from liberal to democratic peace theories—rather, they have become critical questions and areas of peace studies and environmental studies, under the umbrella of peace ecology—because the need for peace, even if it may be delayed, arises when conflicts have ensued. Thus, our arguments in producing this volume were to underscore the effects of peace ecology—which is positioned at the intersection of peace studies and environmental studies, as conceptualised by Kyrou (Int J Peace Stud 73–92, 2007). Our aim was also to explore the theoretical contribution of peace ecology in understanding and bridging environmental peace and conventional peace; integrating environmental questions, and the factors that trigger socio-political and environmental conflicts and violence. We also aimed to raise an awareness of the contributions of the “peace ecology paradigm” in ensuring an understanding of violence, climate change and sustainable development issues, and their implications for global peace and security. Last, we designed this volume in such a way that it would generate a pluridisciplinary body of knowledge that draws from pluralistic methodological approaches that the various contributors in this volume have explored and employed—from their diverse fields of studies and expertise. The authors of some chapters in this volume discuss various mechanisms that are susceptible of reducing the Earth systems’ vulnerabiliy to mitigate Anthropogenic climate change and global warming, and their effects on humanity, the ecosystem and biodiversity, and provide various models of peacebuilding to avert the ongoing socio-political violence in sub-Saharan Africa, and in the Ukraine. Thus, we contend that the planetary boundaries framework remains the realistic framework within which human and sustainable development can be pursued and attained.

The nexus of climate change and sustainable development is increasingly pervading debates in the Anthropocene, along with environment conflicts and climate wars. Past narratives on global warming show both activism and denialism; however, science is crystal clear that climate change and global warming result from the impacts of human activities on atmospheric conditions. While several inquiries on the present state of the planet underline how inaction on earlier warnings about the threats posed to the earth by carbon dioxide and greenhouse gas emissions, few studies are dedicated to uncovering the potential of environmental peacebuilding to prevent further degradation of the structures that support life on earth. This chapter pinpoints two major frameworks for humanity’s prosperity and that of future generations: (1) planetary boundaries framework and (2) environmental peacebuilding theory. The latter consists of (i) understanding and addressing environmental conflicts and violence; (ii) defining, conceptualising and contextualising climate wars, (iii) exploring and implementing environmental peacemaking processes; (iv) utilising the tenets of environmental justice and social justice as means to respond to climate-induced conflicts; and (v) deepening the notion of care, protection and stewardship of the environment. Based on literary research design and methods, the chapter found that sustainable development and prosperity of future generations are underscored by humans’ ability to rise about selfish lucrative interests, denialism about scientific evidence of climate change’s root causes, developing conscientious stewards of the earth, and bridging environmental peacebuilding theory and sustainable development.

This chapter explores the consequences of climate change on water resources in Southern Africa during the Anthropocene era, focusing on mitigation and adaptation strategies. The region's vulnerable water systems are significantly affected by the changing climate, resulting in increased variability, extreme weather events, and water scarcity. These impacts exacerbate existing water challenges, such as limited access, inadequate infrastructure, and inefficient management practices. Consequently, both human and natural systems face severe socio-economic and ecological consequences. The depletion of water resources in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) as a result of climate change has a variety of negative implications, including increased food insecurity, transborder disputes, and an increase in health problems, among other socio-economic factors. This reality appears to be exacerbated by the increasing pressure on anthropogenic causes and consequences of global warming in the Anthropocene. To minimise the vulnerability of communities in Southern Africa, it is vital to rethink strategies that aim at mitigating the impacts of climate change on water resources. Thus, climate change adaptation is paramount and vital. This requires support and resources to diversify the livelihoods of the people in the Southern African region, particularly Angola, Botswana, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Mozambique, as these countries are the most susceptible to the negative impacts of climate change. The purpose of the current review is to assess viable alternative solutions to customise interventions for these regions. A review of the literature highlights various strategies that can be employed to minimise local community vulnerability and build resilience. As many of the impacts of these strategies are subjective in nature, this article recommends an integrated approach, such as community-based disaster risk reduction (DRR) and climate change adaptation (CCA) programs, to improve the efficacy of aid and minimise the uncertainty experienced by communities in the nations mentioned here.

Conflict, drought, and dependency on food import are leading concerns for food security in Eastern Africa (EA). This region is vulnerable to drought and the adverse effects of international security, due to its heavy reliance on rainfed agriculture and food imports. This chapter reviews evidence of the adverse effects of drought and the war in Europe on food security in EA. The literature has established that climate change, in general, and specifically drought, has already impacted people subsistence means significantly, evidenced by a decline in crop yield and food production. It has also indicated a price increase of imported food and non-food commodities since the launch of the Russia-Ukraine war. These factors affect all components of food security, which include, but are not limited to food availability, food accessibility, food utilisation, and food stability and, hence, increase the risk of hunger and violent conflicts in the region. The chapter has confirmed that there is general consensus that EA is among the regions that are most vulnerable to drought (climate change), as well as global security. The chapter suggests further that policymakers and development agencies should focus on formulating and implementing policies and programmes that would ensure that farmers across the region promote farm level adaptation strategies, as well as climate-smart agriculture (CSA), and climate-smart livelihoods (CSL). This should be done alongside other price regulating factors such as subsidies on staple food crops and fertilisers. It is also crucial that the region reduces its level of food imports by encouraging local production or substituting some of the import products by locally available materials. In this regard, social protection programmes must account for the potential increases in seasonal price variability to enhance household resilience to weather shocks.

Climate change (CC) is an existential threat globally, and the Great Lakes Region (GLR) is not immune to the impacts of these extreme events. Erratic weather and extreme events such as rainfall and droughts have serious impacts on agriculture, a major income pillar for African smallholder farmers, and an essential source of food. Climate vulnerability in the GLR is exacerbated by multiple biophysical, political, and socio-economic constraints, thus limiting adaptive capacity within the GLR. Climate vulnerabilities in the GLR suggest that research and development actors, including farmers themselves, must take action to invest massively in mechanisms that can mitigate the situation. In light of the emerging literature, this chapter documents the most recent literature on climate change and its impact on food security, including the impact on food resources, food availability, food accessibility, food utilisation and stability of food products, as well as overall food productivity, water sources and arable land in the GLR and proposes adaptation strategies based on climate-smart agriculture (CSA) to alleviate the impacts of the ongoing CC.

The relationship between climate change and food insecurity is apparent, as the former triggers the latter’s consequences for individuals, groups and countries. Food insecurity and hunger persist in many East African countries, particularly South Sudan, Sudan, Ethiopia and Kenya, driven primarily by conflicts, wars and drought. While the extent and intensity of conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa decreased in the 1990s, the East African region registered an increase of about 30 state-based conflicts in 2019. The following year, the number of state-based conflicts increased to 56, including eight wars. Consequently, many human and animal lives were lost, properties, including food stores, were burned, and millions of populations migrated amidst increased insecurity. With the ongoing War between Russian Federation and Ukraine taking global attention and resources, the international community has not responded promptly and adequately to the hunger crisis in the region. The quest for peace in the region remains elusive and more complex to realise as the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development is in grave jeopardy due to multiple factors, including COVID-19, climate change, and conflict impacts on all of the Sustainable Development Goals. Drawing on a broad range of literature, this chapter explores the conceptual basis of climate change and its implications for food insecurity and conflicts in the region. The chapter further discusses underpinning problems of climate, Anthropocene and food crisis. It concludes with an analysis of the roadmap of survival and policy recommendations to put the East African region on track to food security, peace and sustainable development.

Gender plays a critical role in shaping the world around us, but gender issues remain a challenge in Africa. The way men and women are situated in society describes the kinds of roles performed by these groups, especially in the African context. Existing power asymmetries lead to society being structured in a manner that reinforces and perpetuates the situation of men and women. Although men and women assume different roles in the use, management, and conservation of the environment, women assume and play a critical role due to their close contact with the environment. Their daily activities expose them to the dangers of environmental health hazards and suffer the greatest brunt from climate change, thereby threatening their security. This chapter seeks to explore the role that gender plays in environmental peace from an African perspective. It is based on the analysis of available literature on gender, climate change, and the environment. It is inevitable that for a long-time, women in Africa have been negated in decision-making and in top positions regarding environmental matters. Efforts and policies to incorporate and integrate women in environmental issues have remained superficial. A feminist view is key to integrating women’s participation in environmental peace. Detrimental effects felt by women can be dealt with, thus empowering them to cope with the adversities of the environment. In Africa, a gender lens may be the option to realise substantive, active participation, and representation of women in environmental peace, but the commitment and political will of governments remain integral in addressing this critical issue.

This chapter steers the debate towards the adoption of community early warning mechanisms in the efforts to counter the recurring threat of machete violence in the artisanal gold mining areas in Zimbabwe. The community early warning approach has hitherto received less attention and in some instances been overshadowed by the curative approaches desired by the security services. Despite the systemic and political challenges associated with community preventive initiatives, the article argues that local and people-centred approaches present the potential to revolutionise machete violence prevention. Local peacebuilidng actors – police, civil society, local leadership, youth and women – are spurred to develop the early warning systems within the affected communities by mounting tools to detect threats, reduce the impact and mitigate the consequences of the violence. This entails developing preventive systems that are able to assess, monitor, communicate and respond to the machete violence risk in a timely and coordinated manner. The import of the contribution lies not in seeking to prescribe a rigid way in which the community early warning mechanisms must work but to highlight an existential need by bringing to the fore a framework that can guide the next step of bringing affected communities and pracademics (practitioners and academics) to design and operationalise violence prevention in the artisanal gold mining areas in Zimbabwe.

Street vending has become the most common economic activity not only in Harare, but also throughout the Zimbabwe’s main urban centres. Street vending has provided employment for the greater majority of Zimbabweans. It has provided a means of survival and contributed to the efforts to end poverty and hunger, which are sustainable development goals number 1 and 2 respectively. However, running battles between urban authorities and street vendors are common without any solution in sight. Although urban authorities have their own council police they often enlist the services of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) and sometimes Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) to help them remove illegal vendors from the streets. Pushed by the need to survive from vending, street vendors vowed to remain in the streets creating a complex intractable conflict with so many dimensions and actors. This chapter sought to map the conflict between Harare City Council (HCC) and street vendors using the conflict mapping analysis tool, which helps to identify the parties in conflict, the issues, the context, relationships and the dynamics of the conflict for the successful resolution of the conflict. A nuanced understanding of these dynamics stands a better chance of peaceful resolution of the conflict. This is premised on the idea that sustainable peace can only be attained if there is an exploration and understanding of the root causes of the conflict, the interests, wants and needs of the conflict parties. Again, addressing the root causes is key when resolving conflicts to avoid spoilers. It is only through the consideration of all stakeholders’ interests that peace can be attained, in fulfilment of the sustainable development goal number 16 on peace, justice and strong institutions. The chapter adopted a qualitative research methodology because of the nature of the research objectives. Interviews, observation, journal and newspaper articles were used as data collection methods to map and analyse the conflict.

Since most African states gained their independence from erstwhile colonial masters, some parts of Africa have remained unstable, driven by various factors, including dictatorship and political instability. Some regions have witnessed major internal conflicts and economic declines that have threatened socio-economic development, human security, sovereignty, the territoriality of states, and the stability and legitimacy of political regimes. Since its liberation from its erstwhile colonial ruler Belgium, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been hampered by internal instability in many forms and sizes, primarily driven by the country’s rich natural resource base, numerous rebel groups, and tribalism. The attraction of the country’s resources has resulted in the formation of many rebel groups, which has made the country unstable. Other motives have included the absence of the rule of law, competition for land, weak state capacity, and external influence. The existence of these rebel groups has resulted in the creation of a new form of the army in child soldiers, especially in the unstable Kivu province. We can trace the emergence of child soldiers in Africa to the post-colonial predicament of globalisation driven by increasing inequalities, insecure livelihoods, a weakened and strained social fabric, a downturn in the capacity of households, and debilitated social norms and the erosion of traditional African values. In addition, it has been driven by the easy access to light weapons by armed rebels and, by extension, by children. Employing a qualitative research methodology supplemented by secondary data, this chapter delves into the use of child soldiers and what impact this has had on the country's economic growth prospects, internal and regional stability, and Southern Africa's security architecture. The chapter's objective is to reveal the dire consequences of instability, especially the use of child soldiers, for the development and economic growth prospects of African states and the DRC in particular.

In this theoretical article, the imaginary nature of the contemporary peace model is explored. Imaginary peace takes people beyond the boundaries of existing conflict and violence, by giving people something to strive for. As a method rather than a goal, imaginary peace gives societies options on how to modify or improve their crisis situations. Using a qualitative research approach through documentary analysis, this article reflects on the use of the imaginary peace in creating positive mental images that outlive conflict-ravaged societies. The analysis reveals that peace is not only limited to an experienced reality of peaceful co-existence, tolerance and nonviolent resolution of conflict, but is also an invention and creative process that originates in our imagination. The article concludes that societies need to utilise the imaginary peace through dreams and visions of a peaceful future in order to outlive crisis situations such as violent conflict. The strength of imagery peace is that it has the potential to generate commitment to achieving a better and more peaceful future, even in the face of violence in conflict-ravaged communities.

Just like other Third World countries (3WCs), South Africa is faced with the triple threat of inequality, unemployment, and poverty, a burden which, though inherited from apartheid, has been intensified by the COVID-19 pandemic. Using the case of the Eastern Cape Province, which was one of the COVID-19 hotspots, this paper examines the challenges of inequality, unemployment, and poverty in low-income areas during a pandemic. Using methodological triangulation of purposively sampled secondary data and physical observations, this qualitative paper argues that more than two decades into democracy, socio-economic development is still a far cry from what it should be in South Africa, particularly in previously marginalised demographics. Against this background, this chapter maintains that the unprecedented economic implications of the COVID-19 pandemic have widened the inequality, unemployment, and poverty gaps in the Eastern Cape. The chapter further exposes how the accompanying by-products of the inequality, unemployment, and poverty nexus have particularly afflicted the young population, as evident in the high rates of crime, drug abuse and teenage pregnancies in the COVID-19 era.

South Africa’s development strategy aligns with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) signed by leaders of 189 countries, which focuses on fighting poverty, promoting education, protecting the environment, and fighting hunger. The MDGs were superseded by the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) Agenda. Unfortunately, the global call to transition from coal dependency to renewable energy, climate change-induced disasters and the outbreak of Covid-19 have increased uncertainties about achieving the SDGs domestically and internationally. This article investigates both South Africa’s challenges and its opportunities with regard to overcoming the developmental and economic setbacks ensuing from the global health crisis and the anthropogenic effects of climate change. Designed as a case study, relying on a literary research method and an interpretive paradigm, the findings indicate that South Africa has the potential to achieve sustainable development. However, the path to reach this requires: (1) reinvigorating the health infrastructure to withstand Covid-19’s global challenges, (2) setting forth robust strategies and policies that uplift its citizens’ wellbeing to prevent violent riots that destroy the economy, (3) revitalising its struggling economy and creating jobs, (4) transitioning from coal-dependent industry, economy and trade to an eco-friendly economy that grows from cleaner and renewable energy resources, (5) dealing with brain drain push factors, (6) pursuing the Policy Coherence for Development Framework that is supported by political buy-in so as to align the National Development Plan’s (NDP) priorities with the 2030 SDGs Agenda.

A symbiotic partnership between civil society organisations and rural communities is an important element for poverty reduction and improvement of livelihoods. This type of partnership is not always appreciated in Zimbabwe as it is often perceived as a ploy for regime change. This article examined civil society-community partnership using ward 7 of Chivi district as a point of reference. This partnership involved a coalition of international non- governmental organisations consisting of CARE International, Christian CARE, Food and Agricultural Organisation, Heifer International, World Vision, Red Cross and communities in Chivi District ward 7 of Masvingo Province. Results showed that this partnership resulted in the improvement of community livelihoods through the provision of safe water by drilling solar powered boreholes and promoting gardening to alleviate food shortages in this drought prone district. The improvement of livelihoods in ward 7 culminated into the achievement of sustainable development goals number 1 and 2.

Peace and security issues are at the core of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that the world seeks to achieve by the year 2030. Broadly conceived, SDGs also known as Global Goals are a global roadmap to end poverty, protect the planet and ensure that all people enjoy peace and prosperity. While there is considerable peace in Zimbabwe, the trajectory of human security in the country leaves a lot to be desired. With recurring violent protests, political violence, inter-party and intra-party latent conflicts, human rights abuses and most of all the military rule that emerged with the military ouster of then-President Robert Mugabe, sustaining peace, which is panacea to the achievement of SDGs in Zimbabwe, hangs in the balance and could remain a phantom on the horizons if ‘guns are not silenced’ and human security is not prioritised. Against this background, the objective of this chapter is to examine the options available in the pursuit of sustainable peace and human security for the attainment of SDGs in Zimbabwe. The conclusion drawn from this chapter is that both sustainable peace and the security are critical for the attainment of Global Goals in Zimbabwe. Hence, democratisation, reconciliation, transitional justice, the eradication of poverty, protection of the planetary biosphere upon which human survival depends on and sustaining peace are sine qua non to the attainment of SDGs in Zimbabwe. Data for this paper were obtained from secondary data sources including books, newspapers, journal articles and published and unpublished dissertations and theses. Secondary data was then categorised into themes and concepts from which inferences transformed into arguments advanced into this chapter were drawn.

Within the New Way of Working, the model adopted by the United Nations as part of its systemic reform, the nexus approach of integrating interlinking work streams across discrete pillars has been encouraged. Promoting this, in 2020, the Office of the Special Adviser on Africa commissioned a study on accelerated policy implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) across Africa via a nexus approach between peace, development, human rights and humanitarian action. To these pillars was added governance, regarded as key to the nexus and transversal across pillars. The current chapter delimits analysis to focus on Climate Action (SDG13) and related ‘planetary integrity’ SDGs, Life below Water (SDG14) and Life on Land (SDG15), which, in the light of climate concerns, have been located front and centre of the sustainability debate. There is widespread recognition that climate change leads to human displacement, migration and related human insecurity and conflict risks. Given this scenario, the chapter calls for greater attention to SDG13 relative to the other SDGs, located within a bigger-picture nexus approach. This may enhance critical awareness that can inform policy development and implementation, to mitigate against the negative consequences of failing to consider climate action relative to conflict and natural disasters.

This work analyses the findings of the 2021 World Happiness Report (WHR) and World Social Capital Monitor (WSCM) for Sub-Saharan African countries to provide a better understanding of the social climate in the region. The WHR measures peoples’ subjective happiness in countries around the globe, focusing on seven key factors: happiness, gross domestic product, social support, healthy life expectancy, freedom to make life choices, perception of corruption, and generosity. The WSCM is a worldwide open access Social Capital Survey for citizens to better understand the social environment in their countries. Developed by the Basel Institute of Commons and Economics (http://​commons.​ch/​) for the United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development partnership, the WSCM serves as a tool within the UN framework to promote Sustainable Development Goals. This open access online survey (http://​commons.​ch/​assessing-social-capital/​), conducted in 50 languages and 300 cities as of 2021, assesses the social capital of countries worldwide. Timelines and comments, for eight social goods (climate, trust, measures, taxes, invest, helpfulness, friendliness, hospitality) provided by the survey, have been published annually since 2017 for each country affiliated with the WSCM. Both the WHR and WSCM reports aim to measure the social climate by considering a particular set of factors. In this study, two data sets containing the values for these factors are used to analyse the social climate in Sub-Saharan African countries. A range of techniques, including data visualisation, correlation coefficients, and clustering, are employed to identify the characteristics of the countries in the region and the interrelationships between them based on these factors.

The supremacy of Russia in Eastern Europe, including its hegemony in the Warsaw Pact until the collapse of socialism in the 1990s created a national pride that the country is determined to sustain at any cost. The conflict between this pride and NATO’s expansionary agenda has been a key factor in the ongoing war in Ukraine. Apart from the loss of lives, the war is affecting a host of strategic issues, including food security, energy supply and sustainable development, both regionally and globally. A scholarly study of its impact can, therefore, serve as one means of reimagining new geopolitics and geostrategy for the realization of security, economic and political goals. This chapter is a study along this line. It challenges the original notion of democratic peace in trying to define the true impact of the war as it identifies some subjectivity in the original notion. As a way forward, it recommends the creation of a platform for a global consciousness to seek and foster regional and international stability based on the UN alarm ‘War No More’, to privilege peaceful coexistence, enhance sustainable development, fight climate change, eradicate hunger and poverty, and make energy available, particularly in Africa. Secondly, the chapter recommends that the UN can improve on its Charter for the equality of all nations to prevent inter-nations wars that often end in human tragedies and ecological catastrophes.

Justice processes involving children accused of war-related crimes and other violations of international humanitarian and human rights laws, as a result of their participation in hostilities, often end in contested outcomes because of the child soldiers’ paradoxical portrayals as victims, perpetrators and heroes. Similarly, the lack of justice endangers security and peace processes in war-affected communities. While domestic and international legislation set to adjudicate accusations levelled against children associated with hostilities grapples with striking a balance between the violations of the child’s rights (unlawful recruitments), serving the interests of justice for victims of child soldiers’ violent acts, and child soldiers’ criminal responsibility, some countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have made headway in holding child soldiers accountable, attaining justice for victims via traditional and restorative approaches and paving the way for community post-conflict sustainable peace with child soldiers. The refusal of the ICC to consider the Ugandan traditional mechanisms of accountability in the sentencing of Dominic Ongwen, the abducted child soldier of the Lord’s Resistance Army who perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity, has raised serious concerns about the future of traditional or indigenous jurisprudence in handling justice for former child soldiers. This chapter engages a dialectic argument drawn from literary research to argue for a justice model that takes into account cultural context, traditional values and the precedent of African jurisprudence, a compounded interplay of restorative retributivism and restorative sanctions against the logic of the mainstream conventional criminal justice system.

Denialism over rape cases deprives survivors of their human rights and dignity. The South Sudanese’s “honour culture” is aimed at protecting the reputation of local communities affected by rape incidence, and hiding the evils that may tarnish the good image of the South Sudanese society. At the same time, the lack of acknowledgement of the suffering caused by such violence against women throws rape survivors into a condition of perpetual victimisation and denies them justice. In this chapter, an examination is conducted on the conventional notion of honour culture linked to rape. The focus is on the attitudes of survivors and local individuals regarding the root causes of honour culture in relation to rape cases. It is noted that the silencing of victims and their lack of access to public justice exacerbate this issue. The public adjudication of sexual violence cases would garner significant attention, which goes against the principles of honour culture that the South Sudanese Society seeks to protect. These perspectives emerged from in-depth interviews and focus-group discussions with 36 participants, including political leaders, traditional leaders, women leaders, among whom were rape survivors and international NGO leaders. Thematic and content analytical methods were employed to examine and interpret the data set. It emerged from this study that the predicament of criminal justice that perpetuates rape injustices via honour culture preservation can be overcome by using the ubuntu restorative justice (URJ) practice which promotes dialogue, acknowledgement of guilt, empathy, repair of harm and human rights violation in view of restoring justice and human dignity. URJ prevents retaliation, encourages forgiveness and empowerment of victims – giving them a voice and addressing their violated rights and facilitating restoration after their ordeals in wartime.

The objective of this chapter is to explore ways through which the trajectory of the state capture of truth and reconciliation commissions in Zimbabwe could be addressed in the pursuit of sustainable peace. Since the attainment of independence in 1980, the country has experienced successive episodes of political violence and human rights abuses. From the Gukurahundi massacres in Matabeleland and Midlands Provinces in the 1980s to the 2008 and 2018 post-electoral violence, the state has been responsible for unleashing violence on political opponents. In all the cases, state-led efforts that have been purported to redress the past have largely been politicised to uncover the truth, compel collective forgetting and deny atrocities. The Dumbutshena and Chihambakwe commissions established to uncover the truth and the Organisation for National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration (ONHRI), National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) established for reconciliation following the 2008 post-election violence and the Commission of Inquiry into the 1 August Post-election Violence have all been unable to induce sustainable peace arguably due to their politicisation. Consequently, latent conflicts, tribal divisions, impunity, political instability, violent political contestations, disunity, recurrence of political violence and wanton human rights abuses have continued to threaten sustainable peace in Zimbabwe. Against this background, it is the aim of this chapter to examine historical and recent patterns of transitional justice and reconciliation in Zimbabwe to not only identify complexities, contexts and contingencies thereof, but to rely on historical accounts and recent expressions as well as perspectives in mapping endogenous strategies for addressing the state capture of transitional justice and reconciliation processes towards sustaining peace. Data for this paper were obtained from secondary sources including books, journal article and newspaper articles as well as through primary research including the observation of the researcher.

Disciplining children using restorative justice approaches can be one way of contributing to building peaceful societies in Southern Africa. This article explores restorative justice approaches to disciplining children within the endogenous systems of the Ndebele society in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. The researchers Ntombizakhe and Dorothy argue that using violent means by adults (parents and teachers) at home and school to enforce discipline among children gives rise to outcomes of violence, with children becoming violent in their adulthood and impeding the creation of sustainable peace. Data for this study were collected through focus group discussions. Three focus group discussions were held with ten teachers, ten parents and twelve learners previously trained in conflict resolution by the Alternative to Violence Project, a peacebuilding programme. The study reveals that violence is a learnt behaviour, which can be unlearnt as children and communities learn and adopt non-violent practices from traditional endogenous practices of curbing indiscipline at the family and community level. The article concludes that parents and school authorities should be empowered and encouraged to cultivate restorative justice strategies for redressing indiscipline in children. If homes and schools adopt restorative justice approaches to handling indiscipline, the same constructive ways might be cultivated in communities and at the national level for sustainable, peaceful communities.

The exposure of children to all forms of violence has resulted in schools becoming sites of violence. This kind of violence is embedded in the broader South African society. The problem is that South Africa is perceived as a violent country, and schools are subsequently violent places. Since 1994, efforts have been made towards ending violence in schools, but more attention has been given to halting corporal punishment. While punitive sanctions are predominantly the most utilised response to violence in the broader South African society, restorative justice approaches as a means of handling school violence and peace-building has been lacking. Very little has been done vis-à-vis rebuilding and restoring interpersonal relationships that were destroyed many years ago through colonisation and apartheid. Ongoing violence is experienced in the educational environment that some tie to past legacy of institutionalised violence that characterised the Apartheid regime. The target population was Grade 9 learners in 2019 who were going to Grade 10 in 2020. The study aimed to establish the most effective strategy for curbing school violence. Interviews were conducted with teachers, learners, parents, School Governing Body (SGB) members and community stakeholders. The findings revealed that restorative justice and Ubuntu ethics are principles that can be used to address school discipline issues in order to avert learners’ violent behaviours. The inquiry further found that non-violent conflict resolution mechanisms have the potential to settle disputes between learners and learners and teachers constructively, and lead to the restoration of relationships between affected parties. Issues around trust between parents and learners, open channels of communication between the parents and their children and encouraging good working relationship between learners, parents and teachers are paramount to building peace and transforming the school environment – making it peaceful and conducive to learning.

Violence in educational environments is a widespread phenomenon which often results in injury, loss of life, and sustained negative impact on the mental, psychological and emotional health of survivors. While schools, universities and colleges globally rely upon punitive justice and restorative sanctions as a means of deterrence, little is known about locally-based approaches of conflict resolution and peacebuilding to prevent violence in educational institutions. This article consists of a desktop study combined with evidence from an action-research study of violence prevention in a high school in a poverty-stricken area of South Africa. It explores the potential of a compounded alternative dispute resolution to prevent violence in educational institutions while forging students’ accountability. That comprises restorative justice approaches, peace education and Indaba (‘dialogic structure to resolve disputes’), inasmuch as these methods are imbued with Ubuntu spirit (‘a quality that includes the essential human virtues; compassion and humanity’). The chapter sets out some key elements that should inform a modern student Indaba. It is argued that a synergic humanistic and communitarian relationship between Indaba, restorative justice, peace education and Ubuntu can leverage peaceful resolution of conflicts in educational institutions, promote reconciliation and prevent recurring violence.

The history of xenophobia in South Africa dates back to pre-1994 period where many political and economic refugees who had flocked into the country from other Sothern African countries and beyond for jobs and other economic opportunities were subjected to different forms of violence, hostilities and discrimination by locals. However, the post-1994 era witnessed several episodes of intensified and more brutal xenophobia against immigrants in South Africa as immigrants continued to be blamed by locals for crime, unemployment and spreading diseases. For instance, the 2008 xenophobic attacks resulted in the death of over 60 people across South Africa. The Government of South Africa, in partnership with various stakeholders, has been implementing different peace-building activities that have been aimed at preventing the recurrence, escalation and continuation of xenophobic attacks. In March 2019, the Government launched the National Action Plan (NAP) to Combat Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in addition to the already existing National Strategy for Developing an Inclusive and a Cohesive South African Society. This paper reflects on the successes, challenges and prospects of addressing xenophobia in South Africa through peace-building interventions. Methodologically, the paper utilises secondary data from various sources for analysis whilst the concept of peace-building provides a conceptual framework of analysis for the study. Findings from the study – in the form of gaps, limitations, complexities, and success stories in addressing xenophobia in South Africa – are salient in proposing new interventions and adjusting existing peace-building initiatives in order to reduce the incidences of xenophobia in the country.

This study focused on the value of local peace committees (LPCs) in Zimbabwe. Local peace committees were created by the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC), which operates at the provincial level in all the administrative provinces of the country. Several other committees that are operational at different levels were formed by various civil society organisations in the country. Notable civil society organisations that have set up local peace committees in Zimbabwe include the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), the Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET) and the Institute for Young Women Development (IYWD). The study found that the LPCs that were set up by the NPRC are operational at the provincial level, thus making them less visible at the district and ward levels. On the other hand, the LPCs set up by the ZCC are visible from the national level right down to the ward level. The other organisations operate LPCs that are largely localised at the ward level. The chapter argued that state-led LPCs have not yielded the much-needed transformative effect because of the way they are set up. They are dominated by senior government officials and traditional leaders, most of whom are accused of being partisan. On the other hand, the CSO-led LPCs have also failed to deliver the goods because their working relationship with the government is very constrained as they are often accused of having sinister agendas. Although there is greater room for collaboration between state-led and non-state civil society organisations (CSOs), these actors have failed to effectively work together for the good of the people. The chapter recommends that they seriously consider working together to enhance the effectiveness of the LPCs.

This chapter discusses the complex setting of a person’s identity and how it interferes with the process of peace building. The wide range of potential character strains is highlighted and it is pointed out, in which way an individual’s background supports the building of a specific personal’s identity. The author places a crucial focus on how to deal with this wide-range of potential diversity during professional dialog facilitation that ought to lead to peace building in the long run. In this course, he challenges traditional, mostly academic approaches towards peace building, in order to address the urgent necessity to equip people on all levels of society with an understanding of conflict management that finds its place beyond strategies, methods, structures, and models.